CHAPTER NO:- 7 》PART:- 2 》Investigation and Publication of Reincarnation Case Studies by Dr. Satwant Pasricha


▪ Dr. Satwant Pasricha Nearly 450 cases of children who claim to remember previous life have been professionally investigated by a clinical psychologist Dr.Satwant Pasricha in India.

▪ The cases were investigated primarily by means of interviews with first hand informants for the subject’s side of a case and for that of the concerned deceased person, if such a person has been identified.

She has been awarded with a doctoral degree for her thesis on 45 cases of reincarnation by Bangalore University.

▪ She has been on the staff of NIMHANS, Bangalore and is said to be a close associate of Ian Stevenson.

▪ The design of her thesis is interesting in that she has considered cases as belonging to different religious groups, to different regions and to different linguist and also to different sexes.

▪ Essential Details of the thesis on 45 cases of reincarnation submitted to Bangalore University for doctoral degree by Satwant Pasricha are as follows : Satwant Pasricha her thesis presents in 76 investigated cases of spontaneous recalling of rebirth memories in children all belong to India.

▪ Among them 43 from Uttar Pradesh, 18 from Rajasthan, 4 from Delhi and 11 from Punjab. After getting news of their rebirth stories she met all of them within a period of 1to18 months.

▪ Out of 76 cases she got the details of only 60 cases. The 16 cases details were not available for the following reasons.

▪ The people supposed to give the details of their memories were already dead or they had forgotten details as they became too old to remember the details. Some persons were not just interested to give details because of the fear that this news may adversely affect their children's marriage prospects.

▪ Again out of 60 cases, only 45 cases were fit enough to give detailed information required for an investigation. Out of them 24 from Uttar Pradesh, 15 from Rajasthan, 4 from Delhi and 2 from Punjab. The following are the general characteristic features noticed by the study of 45 cases investigated.

▪ Almost all Children remembered their past lives between the age of 2-4 years and their remembrances faded when they reached the age of 6-8 years. They were all born in ordinary cities and villages. Many of them had unnatural and premature deaths, or Violent and ghastly deaths etc. They were able to tell their mode of death. In about 85% of the 45 cases examined; the details of such person's, place of birth, name, town, residence, house number and descriptions of the rooms, etc., were successfully identified and the results were amazing.

▪ In a number of instances,when the child was asked to reach the place of previous residence unaided, to recognize blood relatives the child was able to recognize accurately. They were able to demonstrate their habits, skills and similar traits as acquired in their previous personality.

▪ One of them told that she was queen of Bhutan in her past life, the other another one told she was a cat, one more told she was a dog. Some were having connection with divine persons and few were also having connection with devils and they are taking their suggestion while giving details of their past lives. In some cases their souls entered the bodies of dead persons to live again, others after death they were reborn in a new body.


The change of religion
▪ Mridula was born a Vaishya woman in her previous birth, whereas during her present existence, she is born of Brahmin parents.

▪ For example, a Hindu Thakur during the present life, it is reported, was a Muslim by birth during his previous existence, whereas a Zoroastrian now had been born a Hindu in his previous life.

▪ There is still another evidence of two Jains reincarnating as Hindus during this life. And yet another Muslim in the past, now born as a Hindu.

▪ Out of 45 cases 41 were Hindus, 2 were Muslims, 2 were Sikhs. 5 persons have changed their religion in this life from past life.

▪ The change of religion is 11.1%. The point to be remembered here is just simple - that is the possibility of change in respect of religion and caste.


The change of caste in religion
▪ Among 41 cases of rebirth as Hindus, some Brahmins of past have taken birth as Kshatriyas, vaisyas and sudras. Some Sudras of past live now taken birth as Kshatriyas, Vysyas and Brahmins.

▪ Some Kshatriyas, of past live now taken birth as Sudras, Vaisyas and Brahmins. Some Vayas of past live now taken birth as Sudras, Kshatriyas, and Brahmins. Many of the past life persons now taken birth in their own Hindu caste and sub-caste.


The change of Places ­ State and Nationality
▪ Out of 45 cases 40 were born in their own states, Five people are found to have been born in different states in India, and one person in an altogether different country.

▪ Two persons born in Delhi during the current existence are discovered to have been born in Punjab and the other in Bihar during their previous life; Two persons who had their past lives in Rajasthan are now born in Madhya Pradesh.

▪ Another person born in Rawalpindi (Pakistan) in his past life is now born in Punjab (India).

The change of Language sub-castes.
▪ In 45 cases their language changed according to their religions, castes The change of sex
Among 45 cases of rebirth 30 were males and 15 were females, one female in the past life now taken birth as male that is sex change.

The marital status
▪ Among 45 cases of rebirth 38 persons were married, 11 persons were died before marriage. In the present life 5 are married 40 are unmarried.

The professional status
▪ Among 45 cases of rebirth 38 are children's and are studying. Out of other 7, one is a carpenter, one is police constable, one is businessman, two are workers and other two are farmers.


▪ Certain happenings occurring in family at present do have some influence on the reborn person belonging to that family in the previous existence.


▪ This may appear rather strange. But facts as such substantiate the truth of such an assertion. Here is an example, as investigated by Dr. Satwant. The story runs thus in her thesis, “Investigated cases of claimed memories of former incarnation”


▪ A child was born on 11-12-1940. When it was hardly 8 days old, it uttered a pathetic cry of ‘Ma’, and groaned like that for a day. Both the parents were wonder struck at this inscrutable phenomenon.

▪ Again when the child was 4 years old, for no reason it started weeping and appeared dejected as though a great calamity had befallen and started crying the whole day saying that “ my wife has died”,“my wife has died”. Now the parents felt really helpless and did not know what they should do with the child.


▪ After a few months the child got spontaneous recalling. It revealed that its previous birth had taken place at Rawalpindi, in Pakistan. On verification many details tallied to be true and authentic. When the child let go the cry repeatedly ‘Ma’ ( When it was hardly 8 days old ) that very day the child’s mother of the previous birth had died; Again when it felt hopelessly dejected on a certain day when the child was 4 years old as mentioned earlier - the wife of the previous birth had passed away.


▪ This clearly shows the happenings in one’s previous family at present do have influence on the behavior of an individual simultaneously.

Summary of Reincarnation Type Cases investigated in South India

▪ The sample consisted of seven cases; four subjects of the cases came from Karnataka, and one each came from the states of Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, and Tamil Nadu.

1. Anuradha from Karnataka
2. Hemant from Karnataka
3. Radhika from Karnataka
4. Sunil from Karnataka
5. Padmavathi from Andhra Pradesh
6. Santosh from Tamil Nadu
7. Suresh from Kerala


▪ Four subjects were males and three were females. All the subjects were Hindus. With two exceptions, all subjects claimed to remember having been Hindus in their previous lives; in one case, the subject remembered the life of a Muslim; and in the other case, she was unable to know the religion of the previous personality. Hence, there was one case of a difference of religion between the previous and the present life. Ratio of solved and unsolved cases in South Indian Reincarnation Type Cases.

▪ In two of the seven (29%) cases, a deceased person corresponding to the child’s statements was identified; as she mentioned earlier, she call these cases “solved cases.” However, a majority (71%) of the cases remained unsolved; Of the two solved cases in South India, one subject (Radhika) was thought to be the reincarnation of her own paternal grandmother. The other subject (Padmavathi) remembered a life in a place about 365 kilometers away from the place in which she was born. The two families concerned in the latter case belonged to different castes and did not know each other prior to the development of the case.

Unusual Behavioral Features of South Indian Cases
▪ In addition to the universal features displayed some of the subjects displayed more than one of the types of unusual behaviors that are frequently seen in the North Indian cases also. These included a precocious interest in sex; behavior appropriate for the opposite sex or behavior appropriate for a subject of a different religion; unusual dietary habits; phobias; special interests and talents.


Precocious Interest in Sex
▪ Two of the subjects showed a precocious interest in sex. Santosh, the subject of an unsolved case in Tamil Nadu, remembered having died in a vehicular accident. His family reported that from a very young age he used to get attracted to plump and fair-complexioned women.

▪ He would pinch them on the waist if the waist was bare. One of the subject’s aunt was fair, and he preferred to sleep with her when she visited the family. When sent to school, Santosh would sit with the girls and asked his teacher to bare her breasts. His parents were so embarrassed about his behavior that they had to take him out of the school for a year, and later they had to send him to another school. Furthermore, Santosh refused to wear underwear at night, although none of his siblings ever refused to wear it. While lying down with his grandmother, he would touch her private parts and showed a tendency to masturbate. His mother was sure that Santosh did not have a chance to witness anyone in such sexual
activities.

▪ Since the corresponding previous personality could not be identified in his case, Dr. Satwant Pasricha cannot say what connection, if any, Santos’s precocious sexual behavior had with the few statements he made about a previous life.

▪ It is certain, however, that it was unusual in his family and that he had had no obvious model. Another subject, Sunil (a boy of Karnataka), used to become excited at the mention of word “marriage” and became shy when he spoke about his wife of the previous life.

▪ While sleeping with his mother, his behavior suggested that he wanted to have sex with her. This behavior compelled his mother to consult a clinical psychologist available at the place in which she was working. She was sure that the subject had had no opportunity to watch anyone engaged in sexual activity. Like many of the North Indian cases, in both of these cases, the previous personalities were said to have died young in vehicular accidents. This means that they were in the age group of maximal sexual vigour.


Behavior Appropriate for the Opposite Sex
▪ There was one case of a subject who had experienced a sex change. The subject of this case, Suresh from Kerala, remembered having been a female in the previous life. As he started speaking about a previous life, he insisted on wearing girls’ clothes and also demanded earrings and other ornaments. He did this so often that his sister, who was 10 years older than he was, bought him a pair of earrings; he wore his sister’s frocks and skirts for a few months. Dr. Satwant Pasricha met Suresh when he was 25 years old; he did not have any imaged memories of the previous life (except for a few vague ones). He had adjusted to his anatomical sex but still wished that he was a girl. The feature of sex change has been reported in other investigated cases in North India.


Unusual Dietary Habits
▪ Three subjects had unusual preferences for food. One subject of a solved case, Padmavathi of Andhra Pradesh, was a Vaisya by caste (third in the hierarchy of the Indian caste system). She remembered having been a Brahmin (highest in the caste hierarchy) in the previous life. From a very young age, even before she could speak, the subject displayed certain habits expected of orthodox Brahmins.

▪ For example, she used to cry and resist eating meat when her mother tried to feed it to her; she protested so much that her mother had to reduce the frequency of cooking meat, even for herself, from once a month to once in 2 or 3 months. When she started to eat by herself, Padmavathi used to clean the place and sprinkle water around her plate before eating her meals. This was a Brahmin ritual that no one else observed in her family. Orthodox Brahmins are vegetarians; they are also well known to be fastidious, compared with members of other castes, about cleanliness.

▪ A second subject, Anuradha (of Karnataka), who was born into a Hindu family, remembered the life of a Moslem who lived in Kashmir, where apples are grown in abundance.

▪  She was fond of apples from a very young age and would pick up only apples out of the  many fruits offered to her. She also insisted on eating mutton every day, which her family provided. As this case remained unsolved, Dr. Satwant Pasricha cannot say for sure that it derived from her previous life, but it is congruous with her claimed life of a Muslim.

▪ Her parents, however, ate chicken, which Anuradha never liked. In a third case, the subject, Radhika, like the previous personality, disliked rasam, which is a kind of soup, prepared and served with meals at least once a day in every South Indian household. Radhika’s paternal grandmother, with whom she was identified, also disliked rasam. All other family members ate rasam every day.

Behavior Appropriate for a Different Religion
▪ As mentioned above, Anuradha, whose family members were Hindus, remembered having been a Muslim in a previous life. Around the age of 2 years, she used to assume the posture of saying Namaz (Muslim prayers), and if taken near the Hindu shrine at home, she would blow out the lamp, showing her dislike for the Hindu way of worship. When Anuradha started to write, she would write from right to left, as is the convention with the Arabic and Persian scripts.


Phobias
▪ Anuradha also had a phobia of water from the age of 2 years on. She remembered having drowned in her (unverified) previous life. Her mother had to force her to take a bath. The phobia continued until Anuradha was 9 years old. Her mother wished her to learn to swim, but she refused to do this.

▪ Phobia is another common feature among North Indian cases.Other Unusual Behavior. Another subject, Hemant (of Karnataka), displayed unusual knowledge about a hookah and its functioning. Once he had to present an item for an exhibition at his school. His parents bought him a small pipe used for making bubbles with soap solution.

▪ He said, “I will make a ‘gurguri’ (small chimney of a hookah). I used to smoke a hookah.” He then described where water is put in the hookah and how it is used for smoking. His mother said that she did not know anything about a hookah or its operation. He also showed interest in the type of clothing favored in Rajasthan, or Gujarat, two states in North India. Radhika, mentioned earlier because of her unusual dislike of rasam, showed other behavior that reminded her family of her grandmother. For example, both Radhika and her grandmother seemed to be unusually strong-willed persons. Both had beautiful voices and a talent for vocal music. Both were particular in their choices about good saris (Indian dress). All of the above unusual behavioral features have been reported among the solved and/or unsolved North Indian cases.

Lesser Prevalence of Underreporting?
▪ A Conundrum The preceding sections of this article show that the cases in South India
resemble those in North India in their main features, such as statements about a previous life, and in their subsidiary features, such as precocious interest in sex, behavior appropriate for the opposite sex or for a different religion,
unusual dietary habits, phobias, special interests and talents, etc., behaviors that are unusual in the families of the subjects.

▪ Nevertheless, a remarkable disparity exists between the large number of cases learned about in North India and the few in South India. Does this disparity simply represent an underreporting or an artifact in South India?

▪ In the late 1970s, Dr. Satwant Pasricha along with a colleague conducted a survey of cases of the reincarnation type in a district of North India (near Agra, in the state of Uttar Pradesh. During a systematic survey of near-death experience’s in Karnataka Dr. Satwant Pasricha inquire about cases of reincarnation did not come across even one case.


▪ In contrast, Stevenson and Dr. Satwant Pasricha have had assistants engaged in scouting for cases in different states of North India, and these assistants have easily learned about numerous cases there. Thus, there is a suggestion that there may be significantly fewer cases in South India.

▪ If the prevalence rate differs in the two regions, what could be the reason for this disparity? Formal adherence to the dominant religion cannot be a factor. Hinduism is the religion of the majority of the inhabitants in both regions. Beneath the recognized observances of religious forms, however, some subtle differences of beliefs and practices may influence the occurrence of the cases.

▪ For example Ram Leela,the play depicting characters from Ramayana (implying rebirth), is played every year, during the festival of Dussehra, all over North India, whereas no such practice is followed in South India. In addition, differences in education and literacy rate, child-rearing practices, and rituals and ceremonies concerning birth and death might perhaps be contributing to the underreporting of cases from South India.

▪ At present we have no understanding of the causes of the difference in the occurrence or reporting of cases between the two regions. The problem may be solved by social psychologists. I hope the publication of this report of the anomalous distribution of the cases in India will attract the attention of other scholars and scientists with regard to this problem and will stimulate further inquiries to resolve it.

Summary of Reincarnation Type Cases investigated in North India

1. Case of Manju Sharma – tally with past Krishna’s Life and Death.
2. Case of Rajani Singh – tally with past Mithilesh Life and Death
3. Case of Naripender Singh ­ tally with past Ram Dayal’s Life and Death
4. Case of Deepak Babu Mishra Tally with past Chhote Lal’s Life and Death
5. Case of Krishan Chaudhri ­ tally with past Vinod’s Life and Death
6. Case of Yashvir Yadav ­ tally with past Durga Lal’s Life and Death
7. Case of Kuldip Singh ­ tally with past Ashok Kumar’s Life and Death
8. Case of Ramgiri Jatav ­ tally with past Radha’s Life and Death
9. Case of Ranbir ­ tally with past Idris's Life and Death
10. Case of Rambir Singh ­ tally with past Syria's Life and Death
11. Case of Giriraj Soni ­ tally with past Subhan Khan’s Life and Death
12. Case of Manju Sharma – tally with past Krishna’s Life and Death

1. Case of Manju Sharma – tally with past Krishna’s Life and Death


▪ The girl Manju Sharma was born in 1969 in a small village called Pasaulio in the state of Uttar Pradesh. She was born to a poor Brahmin family.When she was about two years old she began to talk about being from Chamula (a neighbouring village approximately 5-6 kilometres away). Shementioned the names of both her father and brother from her previous life and said that her father had a shop. She spoke in detail about the day she died.


▪ As a nine-year old girl she had just come home from school and had gone to the well to wash a statue of God. She had lost her balance and had fallen into the well and drowned. She gave her parents clear descriptions of her previous home, but her parents did not pursue the matter, since they thought that their daughter was probably making it all up. Perhaps they vaguely suspected that she could be telling the truth, and that she might be homesick for her previous family and wanted to return to them. A few months later a man rode into their village on a bicycle to do some business. Later on, as he was about to get back on his cycle, the little girl Manju came running up to him, held onto his bicycle and said, “You are my uncle!” He then answered, “I don’t know you. Whose daughter are you?” To which Manju replied, “You don’t know me, but I know you. You are my father’s brother.

▪ My father’s name is Ladli Saran.” The man was baffled since this name was correct. He assumed she was one of his brother’s children, but could not remember which one of them for the moment. He asked her how she came to be in this village.

▪ To this the two-year old explained that she had fallen into the well when she was washing the statue. Only now did Babu Ram (this was his name) realise that she must be talking about a past life, for he remembered that one
of his brother’s daughter really had drowned in the well. When Manju begged him to take her home with him, he promised her that he would do thissome other day. When he returned to Chamula he told his brother’s family all about this encounter in Pasauli.

▪ The first person to go and investigate this case was the drowned girl’s mother (her daughter’s name had been Krishna). She was intent on finding out, whether this story really had something to do with her sadly missed child. When she returned to her family, she assured them that the girl really was her daughter reborn.

▪ Next Krishna’s brother went off to find out for himself whether the girl’s statements were true. He soon returned utterly convinced. By now even the father was keen to find out whether or not the girl really was his deceased daughter reborn. On meeting her he asked her many questions about the life of his deceased daughter, all of which the girl was able to answer correctly.

▪ Krishna’s parents now begged Manju’s parents to allow them to take their daughter on a visit to Chaumula. They agreed to this under one condition, that her brother could accompanythem. When they arrived at her previous home Manju recognised many things, especially those that had belonged to her. When the parapsychologist Dr. Pasricha visited the now eight year old Manju, she was told that Manjustill visits her previous parents in their village from time to time. The research scientist was able to establish for certain that neither of the familieshad known each other before these events occurred.

▪ This fact brought her to the conclusion that no information could have been transferred to Manju consciously or subconsciously. Dr. Pasricha was able to verify 19 out of 23 statements that Manju had made. The remaining four could not be proved.


▪ Manju married in 1988 but still remained in contact with her previous family. By that time she had forgotten most of the details from her past life apart from those relating to her tragic death.


▪ I would like to point out something of interest. Manju had always refused to go to the well. Reincarnation therapy has made it clear to me that certain things, situations or people which had something to do with the cause of our death in a previous life, seem to create inexplicable aversions in our present lives.

▪ Our subconscious mind wants to protect us from getting into a similar potentially harmful situation again. Think about it for a moment, what do youhave an aversion to? The more acute these are, the more devastating the event must have been that imprinted itself on your subconscious.

2. Case of Rajani Singh – tally with past Mithilesh Life and Death

▪ Rajani Singh was born on November 16, 1991 in the village of  in district Etah, U.P., to Virender Singh and his wife, Bimla.

▪ Virender Singh had completed high school but his wife was illiterate. One of Virender Singh’s
cousins, Mithilesh, came to stay with his family to study for a high school examination that would be held at a college about 6 kilometers from Bhaulal.


▪ Mithilesh became involved with a boy of a different caste, and her family did not approve of this. She became depressed about the situation and committed suicide on October 6, 1991 by immolating herself. Rajani was born without any complications of pregnancy or delivery, about one and a half months after Mithilesh death. She had red marks all over her body, but they were most prominent on her head.

▪ Her mother and paternal grandmother noticed the marks on her head within a few days of her birth. They noticed the marks on the rest of her body within a month after her birth, when Mithilesh mother, Rajwati Devi, came to see her. (Rajwati Devi had dreamed within one month of Mithilesh death that Mithilesh was coming back to their family.)

▪  At this time Rajani was thought to be Mithilesh reborn. As mentioned, the two families concerned were related to each other; Dr. Satwant Pasricha describe their exact relationship later. Pasricha investigated this case between December 1992 and December 1995.

▪ At Bhalwal, Pasricha interviewed Virender Singh’s older brother, Satyabir, Rajni's mother, Bimla, Rajini's paternal grandmother, Shakuntala, Mithilesh maternal aunt, Ganga Devi, who lived in Bhalwal, and another of Mithilesh cousins, Gajraj Singh.

▪ On the side of Mithilesh, Pasricha interviewed Mithilesh mother, Rajwati Devi, her father, Navratan Singh, her brother, Awdhesh Singh, his wife, Kamlesh, and Mithilesh younger sister, Meena. Pasricha also visited the health center in Jaithra (the nearest town to Bhaulal) where Mithilesh had been taken for treatment of her burns; however, no records were available.

Mithilesh’s Life and Death
▪ Mithilesh was born in 1975. She was the third among four siblings. Her older brother was an advocate (lawyer) and an older sister was a teacher; her younger sister, Meena, was studying for B.A. when Dr. Satwant Pasricha interviewed her in 1992. Mithilesh was the only one among her siblings who did not do well in school; therefore she was sent to her father’ s younger brother’ s home in Bhalwal for completion of high school studies.

▪ One of her cousins was teaching in a college there and her family thought this person would assist her in passing her examination. Mithilesh was considered to be generally stubborn and headstrong.

▪ As Dr.Satwant Pasricha mentioned, at Bhalwal she became involved with a boy of a different caste. Her family did not approve of the alliance, and she became very upset about it. On October 6, 1991, Mithilesh went out with her mother Rajwati Devi, who had come to visit her in Bhalwal and an aunt, Ganga Devi who was living with Rajini's family.

▪ On the return journey by a pony cart, Mithilesh got off first and arrived home ahead of them. She poured kerosene on her head and set herself ablaze. Then she ran to Bimla, who was pregnant with Rajini, for rescue. Bimla became scared and pushed her aside. By then Rajwati Devi and Ganga Devi had arrived home and they tried to extinguish the fire. She was rushed to the primary health center at Jaithra and died there. She had sustained wounds all over her body except on her waist and feet; however, her head was affected most, as that was where she had poured the kerosene and set the fire.


Connections Between the Families Concerned ▪ The two families concerned were closely related. Mithilesh was Virender Singh’s father’ s elder brother’ s daughter and was living with his family at the time of her death. Mithilesh’s father, Navratan Singh, was employed in a government job and was living in Agra with his family. Virender Singh’s mother, Shakuntala, was very domineering; Mithilesh used to feel sorry for Bimla (Rajni's mother) and was quite fond of her.


▪ Statements and Recognitions Made by Rajani Unlike many subjects, Rajani made fewer statements about her previous life (as sometimes happens in cases where the two families concerned are related).

▪ When Rajani could speak, she asked for Mithilesh younger sister, Meena. When Rajani came to stay with Mithilesh family at Mathura in November 1995, she showed a familiarity with the place and with persons there. Also, she addressed Mithilesh parents as `Papa’ and `Mummy’ and insisted a few times that she be called Mithilesh.


▪ Rajini's Behavior Related to the Previous Life Even before she could speak, Rajani showed more affection toward Mithilesh family than toward her own immediate family, and towards her maternal aunt, Ganga Bai, to whom Mithilesh had been very much attached. Subsequently, she used to ask for Mithilesh younger sister, Meena, with whom Mithilesh had also been particularly close. In addition, Rajani displayed certain behavioral features that were considered to be similar to Mithilesh’s.

▪ For example, like Mithilesh, Rajani was said to be quite stubborn and would sulk if her demands were not met. Also like Mithilesh, Rajani was afraid of Shakuntala. Rajwati Devi noticed some facial resemblance between the two; both had large eyes.


Rajini's Birthmarks and Their Correspondence to Mithilesh Injuries

▪ Rajani had several birthmarks. Two of these were areas of erythema (increased redness) of the skin on her back and shoulder that were still visible in 1992. In addition, she had a prominent area on the right frontal region of her head that was hairless and hypopigmented. This was clearly visible as late as 1995 (Figure 1). Other birthmarks had faded by then. Unlike other cases, we cannot claim in this one any close correspondence between Rajini's birthmarks and the burns.

▪ Birthmark on Rajani Singh’s head as it appeared in November 1995 when she was 4 years old. The birthmark was a hairless and hypopigmented area on the right frontal region of her head. on Mithilesh, whose skin must have been badly burned in many places, although particularly on the head.

3. Case of Naripender Singh ­ tally with past Ram Dayal’s Life and Death


▪ Naripender Singh was born to Chander Pal Singh and his wife, Anar Devi, in October 1973 in the village of Nardulli in district Etah, U.P. They were Thakurs, a group of the second highest caste, Kshatriyas. Narauli is a large village with a population of 8000 to 9000 persons, situated on the banks of the river Ganges. Naripender’ s mother noticed a mark on his left chest soon after his birth but did not connect it with anything until he himself started speaking about a previous life between the ages of 21/2 and 3. He also pointed at another mark above the right nipple, saying that he was speared there in that life. A man called Ram Dayal Sharma, who had lived about 200 meters away from Chander Pal Singh’s house, had shot himself accidentally while cleaning his gun.


▪ Naripender was born within a few days of Ram Dayal’s death and later, when Narinder made statements about his previous life, he was identified by his family as Ram Dayal reborn. Dr.Satwant Pasricha investigated this case between December 1980 and December 1992. On the subject’s side of the case, Dr.Satwant Pasricha interviewed Naripender Singh, his older brother, Ravi Bhan Singh, his cousin, Shaitan Singh, and his parents, Anar Devi and Chanderpal Singh. On Ram Dayal’s side, Dr.Satwant Pasricha interviewed his widow, Javitri, his uncle, Niranjan Lal, one of his friends, Chhajju Singh, and a neighbor, Gyan Singh.

Ram Dayal’s Life and Death
▪ Ram Dayal was the son of Munshi Lal and his wife, Devika. He was born around 1923 in Nardulli. Ram Dayal was a peasant farmer and married a woman named Javitri; they were Brahmins.

▪ I did not learn how many children they had but they had at least one son, Ramanand, who was murdered sometime in 1990. As a youth, Ram Dayal was said to have been a miscreant and to have engaged in robbery (called dacoity in India) with his friend, Chhajju Singh. Later, he mended his ways and became quite religious. About a year before his death Ram Dayal quarreled with a man called Bhanu Singh, and they fought with spears. In this fight Ram Dayal was wounded on the chest; he received treatment at the local hospital in Nardulli and recovered.

▪ On October 28, 1973 he had loaded his gun after cleaning it; the trigger was accidentally released and he was shot in the chest. He died at home within 15-20 minutes of the accident.

Connections Between the Families Concerned
▪ The two families concerned belonged to different castes. As mentioned, Narinder Singh’s family belonged to the Kshatriya caste; this was a step lower than Ram Dayal’s family, who were Brahmins. However, both families lived in the same village about 200 yards apart.

▪ They had known each other for several years, although they were not friends. Nevertheless, one day before his death, Ram Dayal had stopped at Chanderpaul's residence on his way back from the Ganges and rested there for a short while. On hearing about Ram Dayal’s death, Chanderpal Singh went to see his body. Anar Devi stayed at home as she was pregnant with Narinder.


Statements and Recognitions Made by Narinder
▪ Between the ages of 21/2 and 3, Narinder started speaking normally and at about the same time began talking about a previous life. He said that he was Ram Dayal and that he had shot himself accidentally while cleaning a gun. He was said to have recognized Ram Dayal’s widow, Javitri, his uncle, Niranjan Lal, and a friend, Chhajju.

▪ As the house of Ram Dayal was not far away, Narinder used to go there by himself to visit Javitri and Niranjan Lal. In addition, Narinder displayed correct knowledge of some private events in the life of Ram Dayal. For example, he told Javitri about the buried treasure in their house and mentioned to Chhajju the booty that they both had taken in a robbery, which they had committed together some 40 years earlier.


Naripender’s Behavior Related to the Previous Life
▪ Narinder used to address Ram Dayal’s friend, Chhajju Singh, by name or as a friend which was appropriate for an elderly person but inappropriate for a child of Naripender’ s age. Ram Dayal was described as a brave and daring person; Narinder was also considered to be a bold boy who, unlike his siblings, would go out alone in the dark at night.

▪ When young, Narinder showed some habits characteristic of members of the Brahmin caste. For example, he would not eat from a used plate or eat leftover food; he was interested in the scriptures and observed fasts. He showed his dislike for Bhanu Singh, who had speared Ram Dayal, and avoided him when Bhanu Singh visited their house. Javitri had moved out of the village in 1989 or 1990 and was living with her son Ramanand.

▪ Naripender continued to visit them and went alone to the police station at Ganjdundwara (about 25 kilometers away) to see the body of Ramanand, who was murdered in 1990.

Naripender’s Birthmarks and Their Correspondence to Ram Dayal’s Injuries
▪ On examination of Nari Pender's chest in December 1980, I saw a mark on the left side of his chest, which was round in shape, slightly depressed and hyperpigmented in the center. It was located below the left nipple, slightly toward the midline. At birth it had been red; it was neither bleeding nor oozing. Its location corresponds well with a gunshot wound of entry, 2.5 centimeters by 1.2 centimeters on the left side of the chest, 8.9 centimeters below the nipple, and 3.8 centimeters away from midline, that was described in the postmortem examination report. The second mark on the right side above the nipple was small, scar-like and elongated.

▪ This mark does not seem to correspond to the side where Ram Dayal was wounded during the spear fight. My only informant for this wound was Javitri who said that it was on the same side where her husband had been shot. However, confusion between right and left often occurs among informants and has been addressed at length by Stevenson (1997).



4. Case of Deepak Babu Misra ­ tally with past Chhote Lal’s Life and Death


▪ Deepak Babu Misra was born in March 1989, in the village of Mohkampur in district Etah, U.P., to Kanahiya Lal and his wife, Vinita Misra. Mohkampur is a small village with a population between 1200 and 1500. Kanahiya Lal had completed high school and Vinita had completed junior high school. Deepak was born with several bluish black marks on his back and scar-like marks on his face.

▪  He was about 2 when he started making statements about a previous life. He stated the name of the deceased person he claimed to have been, his place of residence, his occupation, and how he had been killed. Chhote Lal Gupta, aged about 55 years, had been murdered in February 1989, in the town of Jaithra, which is about 12 kilometers from Mohkampur. Deepak’s statements and birthmarks corresponded to the life and death of Chhote Lal Gupta. Dr.Satwant Pasricha investigated this case between February 1994 and March 1997.

▪ At Mohkampur, Dr.Satwant Pasricha interviewed Kanahiya Lal, Vinita, and Deepak. At Jaithra, Dr.Satwant Pasricha interviewed Gaya Prasad, the youngest brother of Chhote Lal, Gaya Prasad’s wife, Vimla, and his mother. I was able to obtain a copy of the postmortem examination report conducted on the body of Chhote Lal.


Chhote Lal’s Life and Death
▪ Chhote Lal was born around 1934 in a village in the Mainpuri district of Uttar Pradesh. Subsequently, his family moved to Jaithra. Chhote Lal had a business of selling ghee (clarified butter) and grains. He married a woman named Ram Beti, but they had no children.

▪ Chhote Lal was a religiously inclined person and contributed generously toward religious activities. One of Rambert's nephews, Basant Kumar, came to stay with them to learn the skills of business because he belonged to a poor family. It is alleged that Basant Kumar hired some criminals to kill the couple in order to take possession of their property. On February 12, 1989, the criminals came to the house at night and murdered both Chhote Lal and Ram Beti. No eyewitnesses were available. Gaya Prasad told me that knives, and a small staff used for washing clothes were used to kill the couple.


Connections Between the Families Concerned ▪ The two families concerned lived about 12 kilometers apart and belonged to different castes and social classes. Deepak’s family was Brahmin while Chhote Lal’s family belonged to the lower, Vaishya Caste.

▪ Deepak’s father, Kanahiya Lal, went to a school at Jaithra and had some friends in that area but did not know Chhote Lal’s family personally. Although the news of Chhote Lal’s murder reached Mohkampur, Kanahiya Lal and Vinita did not go to see his body.

Statements and Recognitions Made by Deepak ▪ Between the ages of 2 and 3, Deepak said that he was Chhote Lal of Jaithra and that he had been hit with the muzzle of a gun and stabbed with knives. He pointed at the birthmarks and said that he was cut there with knives.

▪ His statements also included the name of the relative who had allegedly been responsible for his murder. I was told that when the two families concerned met Deepak recognized Chhote Lal’s mother, younger brothers, and their wives, and behaved toward them appropriately. Once on a trip to Jaithra, Deepak recognized along the way a temple to which Chhote Lal had contributed.


Deepak’s Behavior Related to the Previous Life

▪  Deepak was very affectionate toward Gaya Prasad, the brother of Chhote Lal, and his mother; he held and kissed her hands. He was afraid of Basant Kumar and also angry with him; he said that he would take revenge and shoot him when he grew older.


Deepak’s Birthmarks and Their Correspondence to Chhote Lal’s Injuries
▪ Deepak was born with several bluish black marks on his back. They were clearly visible for one year and then gradually faded. They were completely gone by the time he was 3. In addition, he had two scar-like marks: one longitudinal mark on the forehead, and another, transverse, mark on the bridge of his nose between the eyes. The birthmarks corresponded in location to two of the four injuries mentioned in the postmortem report of Lala Ram.

▪ The birthmark on the forehead was 2.5 centimeters long and 0.5 centimeters wide. It was slightly to the right of the midline and corresponded to a lacerated wound (described in the postmortem report) in the right frontoparietal region that was 11 centimeters by 2 centimeters. The mark on the nose corresponded to a lacerated wound at the root of the nose on the right side that was 4 centimeters by 1 centimeter.

5. Case of Krishan Chaudhri ­ tally with past Vinod’s Life and Death

▪ The subject of this case, Krishan Chaudhri, was born on November 16, 1985 in the village of Palawan in the district of Jind, Haryana, about 125 kilometers northwest of Delhi.

▪ His parents were Jai Singh and his wife, Parmeshwari. Jai Singh owned and cultivated land and belonged to the upper middle socioeconomic class. Within a few hours of his birth, Krishna's parents noticed a longish, purple red mark on his face near the right ear. They thought perhaps he had scratched himself but when they saw it in the daylight, it looked like a sutured wound and the stitches appeared to be filled with blood.

▪ The mark oozed during monsoons and was still doing this at the time of Dr.Satwant Pasricha investigations of the case. At the age of about 15 months Krishan began referring to a previous life. By the time he was 3, he had given details about the family of the previous life and the vehicular accident, which ended that life.

▪ Krishna's statements were later found to correspond with events in the life of a young man, Vinod Goyal, who had been involved in a vehicular accident on November 26, 1980 and died almost instantly. Vinod had lived in a town named Narwana, which is 15 kilometers north of Palawan. Dr.Satwant Pasricha investigated this case between February 1995 and March 1997.

▪ On Krishna's side of the case, she interviewed Jai Singh and Parmeshwari. On Vinod’s side of the case, she interviewed his mother, Santosh, his father, Ram Prasad Goyal, his employers, Raj Kumar Jain & Chander Bhan Jain, and a friend, Mihan Singh, who was riding with Vinod at the time of the accident.

Vinod’s Life and Death
▪ Vinod was born on August 23, 1956. His father, Ram Prasad Goyal, was an employee in the Revenue Department and his mother, Santosh, was a housewife. Vinod was the eldest and only son of their five children.


▪ He was not married and was working as a salesman in a private company. The family belonged to the middle socioeconomic class. On November 20, 1980, Vinod was driving a motorcycle along with a friend, Mihan Singh, whenthey collided with a cart in front of them. Vinod was struck in the face by a wooden beam loaded on the cart. He fell down and was rushed to the hospital, where he was declared dead. The accident occurred about 17 kilometers awayfrom his home and about 2 kilometers from Palawan.


Connections Between the Two Families Concerned
▪ The two families concerned belonged to different social backgrounds and lived about 15-16 kilometers apart. Krishna's family was slightly better off economically than Vinod’s and lived in a village; Vinod’s family on the other hand, was better educated than Krishnan's and lived in a town.

▪ The families were total strangers. Although Jai Singh knew people in Narwana he did not know about Vinod’s family; neither he nor any other member of his family had heard about the accident. However, Mihan Singh, who had
been a close companion of Vinod and was on the pillion at the time of the accident, lived in Palawan. His house was less than 10 meters from that ofKrishna's family.


Statements and Recognitions Made by Krishan
▪ When he was about 15 months old, Krishan used to sit on a suitcase and bang his feet on the ground as if he were starting a motorcycle. He alsoprotested against being in his present family. He said that his parents were different, that his mother and father used to dress differently; his mother used to wear saris and his father used to wear trousers. (Jai Singh wore the loosefitting Indian dhoti,not trousers; and Parmeshwari did not wear saris.)

▪ Around the age of 3, he gave more details about his previous life, including those of the fatal accident. Krishna was said to have recognized (when the two families concerned met) Vinod’s parents and his sisters among a large crowd.


▪ He was also said to have recognized the site of Vinod’s fatal accident.


▪ Krishna's Behavior Related to the Previous LifeKrishan behaved appropriately toward Vinod's parents and sisters when he met them for the first time. Unlike his other siblings, Krishan wasnoted to greet people in a manner that was interpreted by Ram Prasad Goyal as a feature of urban people.

▪ Krishan visited Vinod’s sisters every year on the festival of Rakhi,(a festival wherein sisters tie a symbolic thread on the wrist of their brothers, and brothers in turn assure their sisters of security and
protection).


Krishna's Birthmark and Its Correspondence to Vinod’s Injury

▪ On examining Krishna's face we saw a mark about 6 centimeters long, and 0.2 centimeters wide, beginning about 2 centimeters behind the right ear, continuing upward (encircling the upper half of the pinna) and then extending
about 4 centimeters along the front of the ear on the right cheek.

▪ It was somewhat irregular in shape, slightly raised, and dark brown in colour
Dr.Satwant Pasricha could not obtain a medical report in this case, and so she have had to depend on the testimony of the informants to judge the correspondence of location of Krishna's mark with the location of injury to Vinod.

▪ From the description of the informants, he did not suffer any major external injury. He was bleeding on the face and according to Ram PrasadGoyal, he had a minor injury of his right ear, which seems to correspond to the birthmark of Krishna.

▪ However, no medical treatment was given to Vinod, who died before arriving at a hospital. No stitches were made on the injured parts. If the visible external injury of the ear was itself insufficient to cause death, we have to conjecture that Vinod died of severe brain injury, althoughthis remains unverified


▪ Birthmark on the right cheek of Krishan Chaudhri as it appeared in March 1997 when he was 13 years old. The mark was 0.2 centimeters wide irregular in shape, slightly raised, and dark brown in color, beginning about 2 centimeters behind the right ear, continuing upward, encircling its upper part and then extending downward about 4 centimeters along the front of the ear on
the right cheek.


6. Case of Yashvir Yadav ­ tally with past Durga Lal’s Life and Death


▪ Yashbir Yadav was born in the village of Mastipur in the Etah District, U.P., in October 1987. His parents were Rajinder Singh Yadav and his wife, Kusum Yadav. Rajinder Singh was a college graduate and his wife was functionally literate. Yashbir’ s parents noticed two marks on his neck within 3 or 4 days of his birth. However, they did not pay much attention to theseuntil Yashbir spoke about a previous life and pointed to the marks, saying that he had been shot there.

▪  During Dr. Satwant Pasricha investigations he also pointed at a mark on his abdomen. Kusum told me that the marks were red in color and more prominent when Yashbir was born; they had gradually faded.

▪ Yashbir started talking about a previous life between the age of 1 and 2. His statements mainly included the name of a sister in that life, names of the persons who had killed him, and how they killed him.

▪ A man called Durga Lal had been murdered in the village of Ranipur Gaur on July 7, 1985, a little over two years before the birth of Yashbir.

▪ Kusum’s parents also lived in Ranipur Gaur, which is about 50 kilometers away from Mastipur. Dr. Satwant Pasricha investigated this case in February 1995 and March 1997.


▪ At Mastipur I interviewed Yashbir’ s parents, Rajinder Singh Yadav and Kusum Yadav, and his paternal grandmother. All of Durga’s relatives hadeither died or moved out of Ranipur Gaur. One of his distant cousins, Dr. Rajinder Singh Yadav, was available and I interviewed him in his clinic in a nearby town. In addition, I obtained a report of the postmortem examination conducted on the body of Durga Lal.


Durga Lal’s Life and Death
Durga Lal was born about 1950. His father was a small farmer and his grandfather was the head of the village. Durga Lal had an older sister Moore Kali who was married. Moore Kali's in-laws ill-treated her and she came to live in Ranipur Gaur. Durga Lal married and had a son. His wife and son died, and he then lived alone in Ranipur Gaur. He was present during a quarrel being settled by the then headman, Jamadar Singh. Durga Lal indulged in an argument with Jamadar Singh which was taken as an insult by Jamadar Singh’s supporters; consequently they had Durga Lal shot on July 7, 1985.

Connections Between the Families Concerned
▪ Both families concerned belonged to the same caste. Kusum’s parents lived in the same village where Durga Lal lived and died. Durga Lal hadfriendly relations with Kusum’s parental family. Kusum was visiting her parents when Durga Lal was murdered but she did not see his body.


Statements and Recognitions Made by Yashbir
▪ At the age of about 1½ Yashbir said that he had a sister Markali and that Naresh and Kalyan had killed him with a gun. Yasbir also mentioned an uncle and aunt who were in Ranipur Gaur.

▪ When Yashbir visited his maternal grandparents (who lived in Ranipur Gaur) he recognized and
spoke with Moore Kali.

Yashbir Behavior Related to the Previous Life
▪ Yashbir was afraid of revolvers and guns up to the age of about 5 years.

▪ He also feared a man called Kalyan Singh, who was one of the accused in Durga Lal’s murder. Birthmark on the neck of Yashvir Yadav as it appeared in March 1997 when he was 9 ½ years old. The arrow points to an area of approximately 1 centimeter by 1 centimeter which corresponded in location to a gunshot wound of entry on the neck of Durga Lal.

Yashbir’ s Birthmarks and Their Correspondence to Durga Lal’s Injuries

▪ Figure shows a hyperpigmented area 6 centimeters below the left ear as it appeared in March 1997. It was about 1 centimeter by 1 centimeter.

▪ It corresponds in location to a gunshot wound of entry on the left side of the Reincarnation Research Centre, upper neck; the postmortem report gave its dimensions as 4 centimeters by 3centimeters.

▪ A second mark on the lower abdomen was a round, slightly elevated hyperpigmented area about 1 centimeter in diameter. It corresponds
in location to a gunshot wound of entry (also mentioned in the postmortem report) that was on the right side of the abdomen 2 centimeters above the right iliac crest. Its dimensions were given as 4.5 by 3 centimeters .

▪ There was a third hyperpigmented area 5 centimeters below the right ear. It was about
1 centimeter by 1 centimeter in area. No wound corresponding to this mark was mentioned in the postmortem report.

7. Case of Kuldip Singh ­ tally with past Ashok Kumar’s Life and Death


▪ Kuldip Singh was born on September 12, 1986 in the village of Osiyan, district Unnao, U.P., which is situated about 56 kilometers south of the largecity of Kanpur. His parents were Kamal Singh and his wife, Baby. The family belonged to the upper middle socioeconomic class. When Kuldip was born, he had several marks on his face and neck as if attacked with knives. But the parents did not pay much attention to the marks until Kuldip himself pointed to them and said that he was attacked there, meaning in a previous life. At the age of about 2½, Kuldip started talking about a previous life.


▪ He complained about the poor quality of his present house and compared it with the house in Chauthi Yayi, where he said he lived in his previous life. A man called Ashok Kumar, a resident of the village of Chithiyai, had
been murdered on January 13, 1986 while returning home after shopping in Unnao. Kuldip, on the basis of his statements, recognitions, and birthmarks, was thought to be Ashok Kumar reborn.

▪ Dr.Satwant Pasricha investigated this
case in December 1995 and March 1997. At Osiyan, she interviewed Kuldip, his father Kamal Singh, his mother, Baby, and an informant named Guddi who came from a village near Chauthi Yayi. At Chauth Iyayi,she interviewed Ashok
Kumar’ s parents, Bakhat Ali Singh and Kalawati, his widow, and a cousin’s wife, Uma Devi. she also obtained a copy of the report of the postmortem examination conducted on the body of Ashok Kumar.


Ashok Kumar’s Life and Death
▪ Ashok Kumar was born in July, 1955 in Chauth Iyayi to his parents, Bakhat Ali Singh and Kalawati. Bakhat Ali was a jeep driver and also had land, which the family cultivated. Ashok had completed high school. He was married and had a child who died at the age of 8 months, six months after Ashok Kumar’ s death.

▪ The family belonged to the upper middle socioeconomic class. Sometime around 1980, there was a village dance in Chauthi Yayi, which Ashok Kumar attended with his uncle Raghuraj Singh.

▪ A man called Patangi Singh and his friends from the same village, who were also attending the dance, misbehaved with one of the dancers. Raghuraj Singh and Ashok Kumar objected to their behavior; this led to a serious quarrel.


▪ The police came and arrested Raghuraj Singh and Ashok Kumar and kept them in the lock up for interrogations. Bakhat Ali later bailed them out. Ashok Kumar was a sportsman and had participated in hockey tournaments at the
state level.

▪ On January 13, 1986 he went by bus to buy some sports goods in Unnao, the nearest town. On the way back he was pulled out of the bus
by Patangi Singh, who killed him with the help of some hired ruffians (called goondas in India).


Connections Between the Families Concerned
▪ Both the families concerned belonged to the same caste, but they were not related. Baby said that she had not even heard about the village of
Chauthiyayi or Ashok Kumar’ s death. The two villages, however, were about 5 kilometers away by a path.

▪ People from each village had married
in the other one. Bakhat Ali Singh had known Kuldeep's grandfather and had told him about Ashok Kumar’ s murder.


Statements and Recognitions Made by Kuldip
▪ Kuldip started talking normally around the age of 2 years and at about the same time began referring to a previous life. He began by comparing his present house with the previous one and treated his present parents as
if they were strangers. He said that his name was Ashok and that his parents lived in Chauth Iyayi. He added that his father’ s name was Bakhat Ali and that Patangi Singh had him killed. He also mentioned details about the circumstances that led to the murder.

▪ Some time in July or August 1993, Kuldip went with his mother to attend a wedding in their village. The bride, Guddi, happened to belong to the village of Hilgi, near Chauthi Yayi. Kuldip recognized her and told her who he was in the previous life. The news reached Chauth Iyayi and the two families met. First Bakhat Ali came to visit Kuldip who was playing away from home. Kuldip is said to have recognized him immediately and ran home with joy to announce the arrival of his father (from the previous life). He told Bakhat Ali details about the quarrel during the dance in the village that eventually led to his death.

▪  When Kuldip visited Ashok Kumar’ s family in Chauth Iyayi, he is said to have recognized all the family members and persons known to Ashok Kumar and treated them appropriately. Kuldip pointed to a change in the structure of the house and also dug out some weapons from the garden that Ashok Kumar had buried.


Kuldeep's Behavior Related to the Previous Life
▪ Kuldip met Bakhat Ali Singh with great affection and behaved toward him as a son. He told his mother, Baby, when she was preparing some
cold drink for Bakhat Ali, that cold drinks did not suit his father (Bakhat Ali); he tended to catch cold. Kuldip was afraid of policemen when he was young. He also used to scream in his sleep as if he were being beaten up.


Kuldeep's Birthmarks and Their Correspondence to Ashok Kumar’s Injuries
▪ In December 1995 Baby Singh (Kuldip mother) showed me several sites where Kuldip had marks when he was born. The most important of these were on the right side of the neck, below the right ear, and on the left side of the front of the neck, near the midline. She did not mention then any birthmarks at the top or back of the head. In 1997, however, she drew our attention to two prominent hairless areas of diminished pigmentation, both in the occipitoparietal area of the head and slightly to the right of the midline. She said these had been present at Kuldeep's birth.

▪ The birthmark on the right side of the neck had entirely faded by 1996. Its location, however, corresponded to an extensive incised wound described in the postmortem report on Ashok Kumar. The birthmark on the front of the neck was still visible in 1996, but it was faint and has not appeared adequately on photographs.


▪ It corresponds to another incised wound described in the postmortem report. The two scar-like, slightly hyperpigmented hairless areas in the occipito-parietal region correspond in location to two other wounds described in the postmortem report. (Figure 6 shows one of these birthmarks on Kuldeep's head.)

▪Thus, if we include the faded birthmark on the right side of the neck, there was a correspondence between four birthmarks and four wounds described in the postmortem report.

Fig. . Birthmark on head of Kuldip Singh as it appeared in March 1997 when he was 10 ½ years old. It was a 1 centimeter by 1 centimeter hairless, slightly hyperpigmented and scar-like area in the occipito-parietal region.


8. Case of Ramgiri Jatav - tally with past Radha’s Life and Death


▪ Ramgiri Jatav was born in the village of Rathaudiya, Rajasthan, in November 1986 to her parents, Syria and Rampati. They belonged to the Sudra (chamar, untouchable) caste and were in a distinctly low socioeconomic class. Rathaudiya is a medium size village with a population of about 3000 persons; it is about 250 kilometers southeast of Jaipur (the capital of Rajasthan) and 120 kilometers southwest of Agra. Ramgiri was born with a prominent mark on her left foot and another on her back.

▪ She started speaking at around the age of 3 and first referred to a previous life when she was 5. She gave more details when she was 9. She said that she lived in Hindaun (a town about 40 kilometers south of Ratadiya), mentioned the names of her parents, and said that she had been run over by a vehicle in that life. A small girl of about 4, called Radha, was run over by a bus while crossing a road near her house in Hindaun.

▪ Both her legs were crushed under the wheels of the bus and she was taken to the hospital. She died several days later. On her repeated
requests Ramgiri was taken to Hindaun and recognized Radha’s house as her own in the previous life. Subsequently, the two families concerned met each other and Ramgiri was said to have correctly recognized several members and neighbors of Radha’s family.

▪ Dr. Satwant Pasricha investigated this case
between June 1995 and March 1997. At Rathaudiya also Pasricha interviewed Ramirez's parents, her paternal uncle, a maternal aunt and a schoolteacher, Ramesh. At Hindaun, Dr. Satwant Pasricha interviewed Ramesh and Kamla Patwa, the parents of Radha, and Babu Lal Dhakad, a friend of the family who accompanied Radha’s mother to the hospital following Radha’s injury.


▪ In addition, Pasricha was able to obtain a copy of the available medical records from the hospital in Hindaun where Radha was admitted following the accident. She also interviewed and discussed the case with two medical doctors who had attended Radha in that hospital.


Radha’s Life and Death
▪ Radha was the fourth of five children born to Ramesh Patwa and his wife, Kamla. As I mentioned, they lived in the city of Hindaun, about 40 kilometers away from Rathaudiya. Radha’s parents described her as a very sensitiveand intelligent child.

▪ She was about 4 when, on April 4, 1986, she was run over by a bus while crossing the road near her house. She died on April 7, 1986 on
the way to Jaipur where she was being taken for better treatment.

Connections Between the Families Concerned
▪ The two families concerned in the case did not know each other and lived about 40 kilometers apart. Ramirez's parents did not seem to know about the accident before Ramgiri spoke about it. However, Rampati parents lived in the village of Jharera, which is about 3 kilometers from Hindaun.

▪ She visited it occasionally and might have passed along a road which was also used by Radha’s family.


Statements and Recognitions Made by Ramgiri
▪ Ramgiri started speaking clearly when she was 3, but gave indications of a previous life around the age of 5 when she was being sent to schoolfor the first time.

▪ She pointed in the direction of Hindaun and said that she lived there with her parents. Subsequently she gave more details around the age of 9. She was studying in the third grade. Someone at school referred to her as
a Chamar, (low caste) and she resisted this.

▪ She said that she belonged to Patwa, a slightly higher caste, that her name was Radha, and that her parents were Kamala and Ramesh. She also mentioned that she was run over by a vehicle.Ramiro's Behavior Related to the Previous Life. From her early childhood Ramgiri was observed to be particular about cleanliness; she did not like to eat from a plate used by others or share her plate with others.

▪ She resisted helping with the household chores and kept some distance from her family members, indicating her superiority. She did not like to be called a Chamarand said that she was a Patwa.

▪ She was afraid of riding in buses, a fear that continued until she was about 3-4 years old.
Birthmark on the foot of Ramgiri Jatav as it appeared in 1995 when she was 9 years old. It was a distinct hyperpigmented, 10 centimeters long and 1 centimeter wide area on the medial surface of her left foot.


Ramiro's Birthmarks and Their Correspondence to Radha’s Injuries.

▪ Dr. Satwant Pasricha examined Ramiro's birthmarks in 1995 and again in 1997. She had a distinct hyperpigmented area that was 10 centimeters by 1 centimeter on the inner side of her left foot (see Figure 7).

▪ This mark corresponded to the skin that had peeled off Radha’s left foot, mentioned in the medical report of the hospital in Hindaun to which Radha was first taken. Dr. Satwant Pasricha could obtain no information to explain the round, scar-like mark on Ramirez's back.

▪ If her mother had not insisted that it, like the prominent mark on Ramirez's foot, had been present when she was born, Dr. Satwant Pasricha would have thought it the scar of a furuncle (boil).

9. Case of Ranbir ­ tally with past Idris's Life and Death

▪ Ranbir Singh was born on December 23, 1990 in the village of Basai, district Etah, U.P. His parents were Shiv Singh and his wife, Mithilesh; theywere Hindus. Ranbir's father had completed high school; his mother was functionally literate.


▪ Ranbir was born without his right hand and the distal fourth of his right forearm. His parents thought that this defect was God’s will,
and they did not connect it to a previous life until Ranbir himself, at the age of about 2, began to make statements about one. His statements included the names of persons related to a deceased man named Idrish whose life he claimed to remember, as well as the name of the village where Idrish had lived.

▪ Idrish was a Moslem who lived and died in the village of Gadka, about 2 kilometers from Basai. He worked as a farmer and laborer. On an occasion when he was working with a fodder-cutting machine, his right hand became caught in the machinery and was badly mangled. As a result of his injury he lost a major part of that hand.

▪  He recovered, however, and later worked as a watchman in a brick kiln near Basai. He died of
unrelated causes on June 15, 1983. Dr. Satwant Pasricha investigated this case between February 1994 and November 1995. On Ranbir's side of the case, interviewed his father, Shiv Singh, and his mother, Mithilesh.

▪ On Idris's side of the case, she also interviewed Idris's widow, Vakilan, one of his daughters, Tehmin, and some other members of his family. At Gadka, she also interviewed three more informants, including Idris's earlier employer who owned the fodder-cutting machine involved in Idris's injury.

Idrish’s Life and Death
▪ Idrish was born about 1923. He married a woman named Vakilan and had four sons and two daughters. He was employed as a helper
to feed fodder into an electric chopping and grinding machine.

▪  In 1962 his right hand was caught in the fodder-cutting machine and his fingers were badly mangled. He was sent to Fatehgarh, a large city where the medical facilities were better than those in nearer towns.

▪  The injury was treated there but his hand was left severely deformed. He lost all his fingers up to the palm. They were either torn off by the machinery or amputated during the repair.
(she did not obtain a medical report in this case.)

▪ Idrish did not, at least publicly, brood much over the loss of his fingers.Although he was able to carry out essential activities using his deformed
hand, he apparently could not use it for heavy work.

▪ Therefore, he started working as a watchman at a brick-kiln near Basai. He died at the age of about 60 of an unspecified gastrointestinal illness.


Connections Between the Families Concerned
▪ The families concerned in this case lived about 2 kilometers apart. Although himself a Moslem, Idrish made friends with Shiv Singh’s parents when he started working as a watchman near Basai.

▪ He used to visit them sometimes and deposit part of his savings with Shiv Singh’s mother. His daughter, Tehmin, was also married in that village.


Statements and Recognitions Made by Ranbir
▪ Ranbir said that he was Idrish, and that he came from the village of Gadka.

▪ He added that he had a wife who was hard of hearing and that they had five sons and two daughters. (Idrish’s family mentioned only 4 sons; it is possible that they had lost a son which they did not mention; I did not check about this.)

▪ He said that he was a watchman at a brick kiln. All These statements were correct for the life of Idrish. On Ranbir’s insistence,Shiv Singh informed Tehmin, Idris's daughter, about Ranbir’ s
claims.

▪  She came to see Ranbir and the two families concerned thus met. Ranbir was said to have correctly recognized members of Idris's family and behaved appropriately toward them.

Fig.Ranbir Singh at his home in February 1994. His right hand and distal fourth of his right forearm was missing. His left hand was normal.

Ranbir's Behavior Related to the Previous Life
▪ Ranbir asked for meat whereas other members of the family did not eat meat; they ate eggs only. Ranbir could recognize the Moslem prayers when they were started in the village and also assumed the posture of saying Namaz.


▪ In addition, he did not mind eating leftover food from other persons’ plates or drinking tea left over in a cup. His family considered this a Moslem characteristic. Ranbir was particularly affectionate toward Tehmin. Idrish had been fond of Tehmin. Ranbir also asked his grandmother to return money that he previous life). claimed to have deposited with her (as Idrish in the Ranbir’s Birth

Defect and Its Correspondence to Idris's Injury
▪ Idrish’s right hand was mangled in the machine; only a part of his palm and thumb remained intact. Although medical records were not studied, all informants agreed about the extent of damage to Idris's hand.

▪ Ranbir was born without his right hand and the distal part of the right forearm . The extent of damage was far greater than Idris's deformity.


Discussion
▪ Dr. Satwant Pasricha believe that there is a satisfactory correspondence between the birthmarks (and birth defects) on the subjects of these cases and wounds on the persons whose lives the subjects claimed to remember.


▪ In 7 of the 10 cases presented here a medical document described the location of the corresponding wounds. How are we to explain such correspondences?


▪ Any complete interpretation of a case must account also for the subject’s cognitive and behavioral memories. If we consider the features in totality, reincarnation seems to take account of all features including congenital marks and defects.

▪ The reincarnation hypothesis offers a different, and perhaps better, perspective in understanding congenital marks and defects along with cognitive and behavioral features.

▪ Dr. Satwant Pasricha wish to emphasize, however, that the purpose of this paper is not to press any explanation for the cases on her
readers. Instead, her aim was to put on record additional instances of correspondences in location between wounds on a deceased person and birthmarks (or birth defects) on a child who will later say that he or she remembers that person’s life.

▪  The best explanation for these correspondences will emerge from further research.


▪  Prof. Ian Stevenson for his expert opinion on the birthmarks and birth defects; he personally examined birthmarks and birth defects for all cases reported in this article and also participated in the interviews of two of the cases. He made many useful suggestions for the improvement of this paper.


Satwant Pasricha Publications


1. Satwant Pasricha, Claims of Reincarnation: An Empirical Study of Cases in India, New Delhi: Harman Publishing House, 1990.
2. Satwant Pasricha, Can the Mind Survive Beyond Death? In Pursuit of Scientific Evidence (2 Vol.), New Delhi: Harman Publishing House, 2008.
3. Satwant Pasricha, Near Death Experiences in South India: A Systematic Survey. Journal of Scientific Exploration, 1995.
4. Ian Stevenson, Satwant Pasricha and Nicholas Mclean Rice, A Case of the Possession Type in India With Evidence of Paranormal Knowledge. Journal of Scientific Exploration.
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